Tales of leaders who ignited the Iranian revolution


Tales of leaders who ignited the Iranian revolution

Ayatollah Khomeini

I have to tell you that Muhammad Reda Pahlauy is a traitor who destroyed our country and gave it to the West on a silver platter, trying in various ways to humiliate and control the Iranians. The SAAFAK (the Iranian intelligence apparatus under the Shah) committed the most terrible crimes against the people. . This is part of one of Ayatollah Khomeini’s sermons recorded on cassette tapes, which secretly smuggled into Iran during the days of the Shah.

In October 1978, the opposition became more and more popular, and the Iranians resorted to the general strike weapon, which led to the paralysis of the country completely, especially after the strike of oil workers, the most important economic sector in the country. At this time, a heated sermon was sent by Khomeini urging the protesters to stay on the street. “The grip of the demonstrators for freedom is stronger than the planes and the guns.” All eyes are on Khomeini, and people hope to return to Iran to escape the injustice and tyranny of the Shah.

On January 16, 1979, the Shah realized that his command was over, and everything came out of his control. He took off his plane and left Iran. Two weeks later, Khomeini returned to Iran in a lavish reception.

Ayatollah Mahmoud Talqani: The man whom everyone loves

Mahmoud Talqani was born in 1911 in northern Iran and studied jurisprudence in Qom. He was one of the most prominent anti-Shah clerics, spent many years in prison and was a prominent member of the opposition Iranian Freedom Movement.

Talani was in contact with Khomeini in his exile. He founded Khomeini, the great populist base. When the Shah fled, Khomeini returned. Talqani joined the Revolutionary Council (Iran’s post-revolutionary establishment).it was said that he has been the president of the council in secret.

Talqani, despite being a cleric, was inclined to Marxist ideas and was known for his constant inclination to communicate with various political currents in Iran. He was, therefore, the ideal mediator between Khomeini and any armed separatist movement opposed to Ayatollah’s rule.

However, the differences between the two men began to appear over time. He opposed the revolutionary courts that ruled against the opponents of the death penalty, refused to participate in them, rejected the absolute powers given to the clerics by the Iranian constitution, and considered that the cleric should not rule, faqih rule ».

The controversy between Talqani and Khomeini intensified when the former refused to exclude leftist and secular currents from the government. During his speech at Tehran University to the masses of Iranians, he said: “I am now afraid of the return of tyranny back to Iran, but in a new body.” After his sermon, The Revolutionary Guards arrested two of his sons, Khomeini then came out and says that their arrest was “for reasons we will not mention, but it carries no grudge.”

After the incident, Ayatollah Talqani decided to retire from politics and return to the ranks of the opposition, and decided to go to an undisclosed location,

With Talqani’s death, the Iranian revolution has lost the only voice of moderation that has been able to stand up to Khomeini with the support of most Iranians.

Ayatollah Mohammad Kazim Shariatmadari:

Muhammad Kazem Shariatmadari was born in Tabriz in 1905 and was one of the most important clerics opposed to the Shah.

He was close to Iran’s ethnic minorities, the third most important man in the Iranian revolution, and a member of the Revolutionary Council. For his power and influence on the Iranians, the shah (after the demonstrations a few months before the revolution) offered to help him choose a government supported by the Iranians, but he refused, preferring to stay in the opposition.

Before Khomeini left Iran to live in exile, he delivered an anti-Shah sermon, so the shah ordered to arrest him and sentenced him to death.

At that time, Ayatollah Shariatmadari intervened to save Khomeini and issued a decree that Khomeini to be one of the country’s leading religious authorities. He was a hardworking scholar in the Shiite sect. The law forbade the arrest and prosecution of hard-liners and authorities. Khomeini left prison and left Iran Heading to Turkey.

After the revolution, Shariatmadari established the Islamic People’s Party, but things did not go smoothly. When Iran’s new constitution was passed, Shariatmadari was the first to object to it and justified his objection to granting absolute powers to the supreme leader. His powers remain limited. Shariatmadari saw that Khomeini would become the new shah, but in a religious tone, and showed his concern about the image of the Islamic religion in the hearts of the Iranians, and then began Khomeini’s intentions to overthrow him appear publicly.

The dispute between Khomeini and Shariatmadari culminated when the latter led peaceful demonstrations to oppose the exclusion of the various political currents and ethnic minorities from the government.

In 1982, Shariatmadari received charges of conspiring to overthrow Khomeini’s regime and planning to assassinate Khomeini. Following this inventory of Ayatollah’s scientific status, he was placed under house arrest and all means of communication were cut off. He and his family were forced to appear on state television to confess to the charge.

Ayatollah Kazem Shariatmadari died in April 1986 after suffering cancer

Mahdi Bazarkan: Liberal of Islamic Revolution

Mahdi Bazargan was born in Tehran in 1908, studied engineering, and was one of the most important liberal revolutionaries.

Bazargan joined the Iranian opposition party to the Shah in 1953 and was arrested for 10 years in prison. After his departure, he joined the ranks of dissidents who had contact with Khomeini and visits him in Paris. When Khomeini returned to Iran, he appointed him as prime minister in the first government after the revolution, but his government lasted only nine months.

Although Khomeini relied on Mehdi Bazargan to understand modern political affairs, clerics surrounding Khomeini wanted to overthrow him for adopting liberal ideas that would influence their positions.

Bazargan opposed the idea of revolutionary courts, the tone of revenge that seized Khomeini and some of his comrades, and was criticized by the Communists for “coming from a bourgeois class and adopting corrupt liberal ideas.” When the American hostage crisis took place (some Iranian students surrounded the US embassy and took its employees hostage), Bazargan objected to that. He hinted that the incident took place with the blessing of Khomeini, and then resigned, reportedly being forced to resign and joining Khomeini’s opponents.

Bazargan died in 1995 outside Iran, but before that he had announced that he had been under pressure from the Revolutionary Council to agree with them on things he saw that were producing the corrupt policies of the Shah.


Abulhassan Bani Sadr: Exiled President

He was born in Hamdan in 1933 to a religious family. His father was one of Khomeini’s closest friends. He led the student movement as opposed to the Shah, was arrested by the Savak several times, fled to France, and there studied Economics.

In 1972, Bani Sadr met Khomeini in Iraq for the first time and then became permanently in France. He said that he saw Khomeini as a man of limited political intelligence, but he was a great speaker and knew how to attract people to him in this Period.

After the revolution, he held many positions. He was finance minister and participated in the Iran-Iraq War despite his strong opposition to Khomeini at the time because of his insistence on completing the war. In 1980, he was elected president of Iran for only 17 months

Khomeini opposed Beni Sadr a lot to adopt democratic ideas. Khomeini then saw democracy as a Western idea that should not be followed.

The dispute between the two men intensified. Abulhassan learned that there was an intention from the clerics to get rid of him. He fled to a secret place in Tehran while he was still in office. He was in close contact with the air force commander who helped him to get out of Tehran for Paris.

In his meetings, al-Hasan Bani Sadr says that his battle with Khomeini was mainly about democracy, which no one of who took power after the revolution believes in.

Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani: Fund of the secrets of the revolution

Hashemi Rafsanjani was born in Kerman province in 1934 to a wealthy family of merchants and was educated by Khomeini before leaving Iran.

Before the revolution was one of the opponents of the Shah, he was sentenced to imprisonment, but fled and went to Khomeini in exile. Rafsanjani was closely linked to Khomeini, and the Iranians regard him as the repository of Khomeini’s secrets and the revolution and knows what no other one knows.

Rafsanjani was a member of the Revolutionary Council and adopted very conservative ideas, making him more and more close to Khomeini. He was the only one who persuaded Khomeini to agree to the UN resolution to end the Iran-Iraq war.

Khomeini appointed him as chairman of the Expediency Council until his death,. He was also a member of the Expert Leadership Council, the council that selects the supreme leader.

Rafsanjani held several important posts and remained speaker of parliament for eight years. He held the presidency from 1989 to 1997 and was appointed the commander of the armed forces during the Iran-Iraq war. Many are successful in rebuilding Iran after its long war with Rafsanjani.

After Khomeini’s death, Rafsanjani became more moderate. He became interested in improving Iran’s relations with Arab and European countries. During his presidency, he relaxed the social restrictions imposed on the Iranians.

Reference: https://manshoor.com


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